Il 10 febbraio, in base ad una legge del governo Berlusconi del 2004, è stato definito “giorno del ricordo dell’esodo degli italiani dell’Istria e della Dalmazia e delle Foibe”. Sono stati promotori di questa legge ministri e parlamentari notoriamente fascisti del governo Berlusconi (ricordiamo tra i tanti il ministro ex repubblichino Tremaglia e gli squadristi degli anni ’70: La Russa, Alemanno, Gasparri e Storace). Assistiamo, ormai da qualche anno, ad una vasta operazione propagandistica e di menzogne che parla delle foibe come una strage indiscriminata di civili italiani avvenuta nel ’45 nel territorio della Venezia Giulia ad opera dei comunisti jugoslavi. Al di là the filthy lies of the newspapers and TV Berlusconi regime, the so-called "massacre" of more sinkholes was not that the just punishment of the elements that had, in various ways, work in the service of the SS and fascists. The "martyrs" of sinkholes, which the government now wants us to honor, were almost entirely of Nazi collaborators, macchiatisi of the worst crimes and atrocities during the war and during the twenty years, and that is executed by partisan groups or the masses themselves '.
These are the words raving found no major problems on a site ( Naples Indymedia.org ) of an extremist but not extreme left and child, unable to read, if nothing else, the results of historiography on a more serious issue complicated as that of the eastern borders of Italy, the story of the long term, within which lies the question that is symbolized by foibe , left a symbol of "ethnic cleansing" carried out by militias Tito so fierce, producing, according to latest estimates, but subject to revision, between ten and twelve thousand victims.
The excellent Wikipedia entry (an instrument which, unlike many of my colleagues are valued and almost always in a good level) indicates a sort of "denial" of left to the question, whose words I read are adequate testimony.
The denial or underestimation of a given historiographically sinkholes are undeniable. For very different reasons, the main Italian political forces of the postwar period (the DC, since the fifties, the PCI now) have at best glissando sull'atroce fate of thousands of Italians brutally killed or forced exodus from their lands.
In 1993, at the initiative of the Foreign Ministers of Italy and Slovenia, was established a Joint Commission Research , whose works were published in 2001. It was attended by historians and intellectuals who have dedicated their research to the thorny question of the eastern borders: Fulvio Tomizza, Raoul Pupo, Marina Cattaruzza . The aim was to "build a shared historical memory after a century of tragic conflicts." The report
engages the issue of sinkholes in the history of long-term the eastern border area, stressing the gradual emergence of the opposites of nationalism in the nineteenth century (after the peaceful coexistence in Venice and in Austria). Are then meticulously lists the crimes of fascism , accused of trying to "denationalize" the Slovenian and Croatian minorities in the Venezia Giulia «con una politica repressiva assai brutale», il cui intento finale era quello «di arrivare alla bonifica etnica » della regione. Ma altrettanto severo è il giudizio sulle violenze compiute, dopo l’8 settembre 1943 e la cacciata dei tedeschi dalla Venezia Giulia, dai partigiani comunisti di Tito ai danni degli italiani: si parla di «molte migliaia di arresti», si quantificano «in centinaia» le persone che trovarono la morte nelle foibe (soltanto per quanto riguarda la Slovenia, Croazia esclusa), si ricordano «le deportazioni di un gran numero di militari e civili nelle carceri e nei campi di prigionia creati in Jugoslavia». E si ammette, per la prima volta da parte slovena, che quella dei partigiani Tito was a " state violence." Is also reconstructed the exodus of Italians from the war, "oppressed by a regime of totalitarian nature that prevented the free expression of national identity." I used the synthesis of Francesco Alberti the document appeared in 2001 in the Corriere della Sera.
But because this day is not enter the collective feeling, as is the case for the other commemoration, Remembrance Day, established in 2000? Because today the largest Italian daily, the Corriere della Sera, does not devote any space to the story? And, again, why, then, the question foibe and Remembrance Day ignite the minds? Why this afternoon there will be a candlelight vigil here in Benevento and in many parts of Italy to remember that story? Why the sinkholes have been and are "used" politically . Let me be clear: the political use of memory is a widespread practice in Italian history. Just think - to remain at a very biased to the current reconstruction of the Renaissance used, starting from the Unification of Italy to "build" an Italian people. And therefore we can not ignore that the issue of sinkholes has been controversial for a long time the weapon of the Italian right, right again neo-fascist and then post-Fascist, against a supposed cultural hegemony of the left. Just read the dossier Silvio Ferretti Clementi for the National Alliance. Again, however, as the ravings read earlier, we are faced with a profound denial of that aspect, however, the Joint Committee remarked: violence and abuse made by fascism in the decades preceding the foibe ... If you do not remember the violence there is a risk of dividing the dead killed in series A and B dead serious ... This does not mean "justify" the violence slave. I say to avoid misunderstandings. This means making an effort to understand a complex phenomenon. Sine ira et studio.
Let me a parallel from my teaching experience. Well, during my three years of history, I devote more attention to the privileged Jewish question. I explain to my kids, then, that anti-Semitism is already present in embryo in some Gospel passages, and then spreads like a virus Christianized West. The pogroms are not a modern phenomenon, but already the Middle Ages. Following the evolution of anti-Semitism do this as the first born in the ghettos Italy, between Venice and Rome ... Why? To show that the Holocaust is not a poisonous mushroom that grows from the warped mind of Adolf Hitler, but the prodotto di una storia millenaria… Non sminuisce l’orrore del nazismo e dell’Olocausto, ma aiuta a comprenderlo.
Nel 2008 uno grandissimo scrittore triestino, Boris Pahor , ora quasi centenario (sottolineo: scrittore italiano della minoranza slovena di Trieste), divenuto, oramai vecchio, celebre per una grande capolavoro, Necropoli (che ne descriveva l’esperienza di reclusione in un campo di concentramento) e candidato al Nobel, ebbene nel 2008 scatenò una durissima polemica nei confronti di Giorgio Napolitano che, (cito) «ricorda solo le barbarie commesse dagli sloveni alla fine della Seconda guerra mondiale, ma non cita le precedenti atrocità dell’Italia Fascist against us. " Corriere della Sera, 27 April 2008, the largest Bosnian writer Predrag Matvejević worse, writing: "The sinkholes are a serious crime [...] But for the dignity of pain choral must say that this crime has been prepared and anticipated by others, which are not less guilty of the executors of the 'infoibamento. It quoted a speech by Mussolini in 1920 in Pula, "Realising the vision that must be Mediterranean, the Adriatic, which is one of our Gulf, is in our hands, in front of a race like Slavic inferior and barbaric." And, therefore, Matvejević said, it would be desirable to have celebrated not the "day of remembrance" but the "day of memories." But already another great central European writer, one of the greatest living Italian, Claudio Magris , always on the Corriere della Sera, in 2005 he denounced the "noise" around the sinkholes, which apparently also in our small town we want to created around the event, preventing this religious and pious meditation in honor of the dead would be a must. Magris stressed the cowardice of so many Italian left respect to each other, he did "forget the dramatic exodus of Istria, Fiume and Dalmatia and the massacres of sinkholes," but also " blindness and the regressive right-wing abuse , who cultivated the memory of those tragedies and crimes of those not so much to remember the victims and perpetrators and accomplices in the specific order, but to stir up racial resentment and general antislavi inhuman. " He added: "The bestial hatred that is expressed in antiitaliano foibe is not justified by the brutal hate antislavo which had triggered a lot about people guilty only of being slaves." It ended with hardness. "Until a few years ago not to mention the foibe served political aims, now those are dead, and talk about it, but as a tool ... that today the right to power, the heir to the guilty of our disasters in the Second World War e della mutilazione dell’Istria, usi le foibe per difendere il proprio potere è una bestemmia». Una bestemmia, scrive Magris, e aggiunge: « becera empietà ».
La mia preoccupazione di docente è che i giovani, privi spesso di metodo, abbandonati ai flussi indistinti della Rete, prezioso farmaco ma anche potente veleno, non riescano a cogliere le dinamiche che spesso si nascondono dietro la ricostruzione della storia. Per questo li metto oggi in guardia. E dico loro: NON ESISTE UNA STORIA OGGETTIVA. Nietzsche ci ha insegnato che non esistono fatti ma solo interpretazioni, e che tali interpretazioni cambiano nel tempo. E questo è legittimo. Sta accadendo, per esempio, in questi anni rispetto alla percezione we have our Renaissance, especially in southern Italy. After years of "myth" and removal, it turns out that there was also an unprecedented level of violence in the unification process, you do not remove more facts and Pontelandolfo Casalduni, for example, it turns out that the robbery was also a social protest. The same thing happened in 1989 compared to the French Revolution ... or through studies of Renzo De Felice did, in the nineties, compared to fascism. The historical texts, especially those schools, must be continually reviewed and updated. There is, I mean, a "revisionism" good, right, or rather a must. But it is also only right to reject, in the name of morality without compromise and the same historical rigor, any form of "denial" (right and left), any simplification of the historical processes that only want to see a horn of the dilemma, forgetting the rest, and above all to have firmly rejected the political use of memory, even when he takes on, as is happening these days in Benevento, pathetic and nostalgic forms.
"Our heritage is not preceded by any will." So wrote René Char, one of the major poet of the twentieth century, the leader of the French Resistance. What does this mean? What we inherit the past through a laborious job. The "traditions" are all broken. The memory and legacy are a task, not a gift . Today we remember, we inherit the legacy ... But to be spending, should be used. In perspective. There is no choice in the past that is not ipso facto choice of a possible future. And what kind of future we want to build, mercifully commemorating the massacres of the eastern border? A FUTURE WITHOUT NATIONALITY. Because of her disease was born of the horror, the horror substantial part of the "short century." Educate my students to think of nation states, the "homeland", small or large, such as historical forms not natural organisms and eternal. The greatest contemporary philosopher, French Edgar Morin, calls for years to work for the emergence of una società-mondo, per la nascita di un uomo planetario , attualizzando un’antica utopia kantiana ed illuministica. Il compito storico affidato alla nostra generazione, e in particolare agli educatori, e con questo auspicio chiudo il mio intervento, è «portare a compimento l’Umanità come comunità planetaria». I morti, tutti i morti a causa dei nazionalismi novecenteschi, sono viva testimonianza di questa urgenza storica.
* Pronunziato in occasione della Giornata del Ricordo (10 febbraio 2011) nella Sala Vergineo del Museo del Sannio, a cura della Consulta Studentesca di Benevento.
